The Timberwolves have managed to tame a difficult portion of the schedule with three straight victories that have come in varying forms. But one thing has been consistent throughout: Drama. Minnesota rallied in the fourth, then held on for dear life in the closing seconds of Sunday’s 112-110 victory over the San Antonio Spurs at Target Center. ADVERTISEMENT The Wolves’ last three wins have come by a combined nine points. San Antonio had the ball, down two with 13 seconds to play, but Jeremy Sochan’s 3-point attempt at the horn fell woefully short. After another stiflingly slow start — the Wolves trailed 21-10 at one point in the opening frame — the bench unit again breathed life into the operation with pace and intensity. Minnesota blitzed the Spurs 32-12 in the second quarter to take a 12-point advantage into halftime. San Antonio responded, though, taking an eight-point advantage early in the fourth quarter. But, for the third straight game, Minnesota was able to generate decent offense down the stretch to close a game out. It was largely done with defense down the stretch Sunday, as Minnesota induced a number of 3-point misses from Victor Wembanyama down the stretch. Wembanyama finished with 34 points and eight rebounds but also missed a critical free throw that would’ve tied the game with 18 seconds to play. Donte DiVincenzo continued his recent stretch of success. He followed up Friday’s 22-point showing in Houston by scoring 25 points Sunday. As he stood on the floor for a postgame, television interview, Target Center erupted into a “Donte!” chat. He smiled. A rough start now seems to be firmly played in his rearview mirror. ADVERTISEMENT “It’s special,” the wing noted. ______________________________________________________ This story was written by one of our partner news agencies. Forum Communications Company uses content from agencies such as Reuters, Kaiser Health News, Tribune News Service and others to provide a wider range of news to our readers. Learn more about the news services FCC uses here .
Kling AI Launches Game-Changing "Motion Brush" and "Camera Movements" Features in Kling 1.5 Model
The data show tariffs never fully delivered on Trump's promised factory jobs. Nor did they provoke the avalanche of inflation that critics feared.Tech Titans' Answer to Crime: Turning Their Homes into Military-Grade Bunkers
In 2004, Sachin Tendulkar shelved the cover drive on his way to a famous unbeaten double century in Sydney. Virat Kohli may have to follow suit if he is to bow out of Test cricket on his own terms. At a glance, Kohli, 36, has the numbers of a player who is gone, but this is not one of the cases where if it looks like a duck, swims like a duck, and quacks like a duck, then it probably is a duck. Virat Kohli departs the MCG on Monday, caught in the cordon again. Credit: AP Unlike Rohit Sharma, whose game looks completely off, Kohli’s issue is a question of technique and temperament. Kohli is still in pristine physical condition. But while his eyes and reflexes may not be as sharp as they once were, it’s a lack of discipline that is hurting him most. Kohli’s career has been built on control, but he is now having trouble suppressing his natural urges, whether it’s ignoring hecklers in the crowd, picking blues with a teenaged debutant or, most obviously, balls outside off stump. All six of Kohli’s dismissals this series have come to catches behind the wicket. His unbeaten ton in the second innings in Perth, when India were already in an unassailable position when he batted, was as close to a junk-time Test century as you can get. His 100 not out is an outlier in a campaign that has also produced scores of 5, 7, 11, 3, 36 and 5. His series average of 27.83 is in keeping with the 31.32 he has averaged in 38 games since the start of 2020. If he was not Virat Kohli, he’d have been dropped a long time ago. The Australians would never say this publicly out of respect for Kohli, and probably fear of Mother Cricket, but they know they have Kohli’s measure. Bowl the ball in the fourth and fifth stump channel outside off, perhaps even wider, and wait for the nick to come. “Well that’s the line I’ve been talking about the whole series. Get it wide and get it full. That’s the sixth time Mitch Starc’s gotten Virat Kohli in Test cricket. The trap was set. The bait was thrown out there and the big fish has fallen for it,” former Australia captain Ricky Ponting said on Seven. With the exception of his century in Perth, when the fizz had gone from the game, the closest Kohli has come to resisting temptation came on the second day of this Test when he made the Australians bowl at him. By ignoring balls outside off stump, he dragged Australia’s lines closer to his pads and scored through the leg side. The drives he played were aimed as close to the bowler as he could instead of the gaping hole, greater than the length of a centre square in the MCG’s winter configuration, between mid-off and gully. His extravagant drive at Mitchell Starc from the final ball before lunch on Monday was directed through cover. Tendulkar, India’s last batting demi-god, provided the template for Kohli. Twenty-one years ago in Sydney, unhappy with being caught behind the wicket earlier in the series, Tendulkar did not hit a boundary through cover in his 241 not out. The plan was devised after a conversation with his brother, who told him his weakness was a matter of shot selection rather than technique. “I need discipline to be in the driving seat,” Tendulkar said in an interview published on his Facebook page in 2021. “My natural instincts, they have to be sitting in the passenger’s seat. “I suddenly realised all the bowlers are bowling in that corridor on the sixth stump, not even fourth stump. If you are going to keep bowling away from me and frustrate me, I’m going to take on this challenge and frustrate you. It’s one versus 11, let’s see who loses patience first. I’m not going to play a single cover drive.” Steve Waugh did it with the hook shot, but warehousing a stroke that has produced so many runs for a batter requires the discipline of a monk. The confidence and self-belief that has driven Kohli through his career will tell him he still can play that shot well. The habits of a lifetime also die hard. “He’s done it so much over the years, its become muscle memory for him – cover drive, cover drive, cover drive,” former Australia opener Simon Katich said on SEN. This should not be unfamiliar territory for Kohli. On his miserable tour of England in 2014 when he was tormented by James Anderson, Kohli was caught by the wicketkeeper or in the cordon in seven of his 10 innings. Four years later, he averaged nearly 60. The difference? “He left it a lot better and he was a lot more patient,” Anderson told the Test Match Special podcast in 2020. “He waited for you to bowl at him, and then he’s very strong off his legs so he could score freely.” Kohli knows what to do, it’s a matter of whether still can. News, results and expert analysis from the weekend of sport are sent every Monday. Sign up for our Sport newsletter .SEOUL, South Korea (AP) — South Korea's embattled President Yoon Suk Yeol avoided an opposition-led attempt to impeach him over his short-lived imposition of martial law , as most ruling party lawmakers boycotted a parliamentary vote Saturday to deny a two-thirds majority needed to suspend his presidential powers. The scrapping of the motion is expected to intensify protests calling for Yoon’s ouster and deepen political chaos in South Korea, with a survey suggesting a majority of South Koreans support the president’s impeachment. Yoon’s martial law declaration drew criticism from his own ruling conservative People Power Party, but the party is also determined to oppose Yoon’s impeachment apparently because it fears losing the presidency to liberals. After the motion fell through, members of the main liberal opposition Democratic Party rallied inside the National Assembly, chanting slogans calling for Yoon's impeachment or resignation. The party's floor leader, Park Chan-dae, said it will soon prepare for a new impeachment motion. Opposition parties could submit a new impeachment motion after a new parliamentary session opens next Wednesday. “We'll surely impeach Yoon Suk Yeol, who is the greatest risk to Republic of Korea,” party leader Lee Jae-myung said. “We'll surely bring back this country to normal before Christmas Day or year's end.” Many experts worry Yoon won’t be able to serve out his remaining 2 1⁄2 years in office. They say some PPP lawmakers could eventually join opposition parties’ efforts to impeach Yoon if public demands for it grow further. The ruling party risks "further public outrage and national confusion if they don’t find a formula fast for Yoon’s departure,” said Duyeon Kim, a senior analyst at the Center for a New American Security in Washington. PPP chair Han Dong-hun said his party will seek Yoon’s “orderly” early exit but didn’t say when he can resign. On Saturday, tens of thousands of people packed several blocks of roads leading to the National Assembly, waving banners, shouting slogans and dancing. Protesters also gathered in front of PPP’s headquarters near the Assembly, shouting for its lawmakers to vote to impeach Yoon. A smaller crowd of Yoon’s supporters, which still seemed to be in the thousands, rallied elsewhere in Seoul, calling the impeachment attempt unconstitutional. Impeaching Yoon required support from 200 of the National Assembly's 300 members. The Democratic Party and five other small opposition parties, which filed the motion, have 192 seats combined. But only three lawmakers from PPP participated in the vote. The motion was scrapped without ballot counting because the number of votes didn’t reach 200. National Assembly Speaker Woo Won Shik called the result “very regrettable” and an embarrassing moment for the country’s democracy. If Yoon is impeached, his powers will be suspended until the Constitutional Court decides whether to remove him from office. If he is removed, an election to replace him must take place within 60 days. Earlier Saturday, Yoon issued an apology over the martial law decree, saying he won’t shirk legal or political responsibility for the declaration and promising not to make another attempt to impose it. He said would leave it to his party to chart a course through the country’s political turmoil, “including matters related to my term in office.” “The declaration of this martial law was made out of my desperation. But in the course of its implementation, it caused anxiety and inconveniences to the public. I feel very sorry over that and truly apologize to the people who must have been shocked a lot,” Yoon said. Since taking office in 2022, Yoon has struggled to push his agenda through an opposition-controlled parliament and grappled with low approval ratings amid scandals involving himself and his wife. In his martial law announcement on Tuesday night, Yoon called parliament a “den of criminals” bogging down state affairs and vowed to eliminate “shameless North Korea followers and anti-state forces.” The declaration of martial law was the first of its kind in more than 40 years in South Korea. The turmoil has paralyzed South Korean politics and sparked alarm among key diplomatic partners like the U.S. and Japan. “Yoon’s credibility overseas has been undermined by declaring martial law, so he won’t be able to exercise leadership in his foreign policies especially when his days are numbered,” Kim, the analyst, said. “Its government bureaucracy will need to continue business as usual for existing alliance and foreign policy initiatives as best it can because there is a lot of important work to do globally.” Tuesday night saw special forces troops encircling the parliament building and army helicopters hovering over it, but the military withdrew after the National Assembly unanimously voted to overturn the decree, forcing Yoon to lift it before daybreak Wednesday. Eighteen lawmakers from the ruling party voted to reject Yoon’s martial law decree along with opposition lawmakers. PPP later decided to oppose Yoon's impeachment motion. Yoon’s speech fueled speculation that he and his party may push for a constitutional amendment to shorten his term, instead of accepting impeachment, as a way to ease public anger over the marital law and facilitate Yoon’s early exit from office. Lee told reporters that Yoon’s speech was “greatly disappointing” and that the only way forward is his immediate resignation or impeachment. His party called Yoon’s martial law “unconstitutional, illegal rebellion or coup.” Lawmakers on Saturday first voted on a bill appointing a special prosecutor to investigate stock price manipulation allegations surrounding Yoon’s wife. On Friday, Han, who criticized Yoon’s martial law declaration, said he had received intelligence that during the brief period of martial law Yoon ordered the country’s defense counterintelligence commander to arrest unspecified key politicians based on accusations of “anti-state activities.” Hong Jang-won, first deputy director of South Korea’s spy agency, told lawmakers Friday that Yoon had ordered him to help the defense counterintelligence unit to detain key politicians including Han, Lee and Woo. The Defense Ministry said Friday it suspended three military commanders including the head of the defense counterintelligence unit over their involvement in enforcing martial law. Vice Defense Minister Kim Seon Ho has told parliament that Defense Minister Kim Yong Hyun ordered the deployment of troops to the National Assembly. Opposition parties accused Kim of recommending to Yoon to enforce martial law. Kim Yong Hyun resigned Thursday, and prosecutors imposed an overseas travel ban on him.
In today's digital-first business landscape, Praveen Sivathapandi stands out as a leader in solutions architecture, bringing over 18 years of experience across finance, healthcare, and logistics. Known for his technical expertise and commitment to transformative solutions, Praveen has shaped how enterprises structure their technology infrastructure, emphasizing adaptability, efficiency, and resilience. A Foundation in Architecture and Development Praveen's journey as a Senior Solutions Architect is rooted in a solid understanding of the Software Development Life Cycle (SDLC), where he has managed projects from conception through implementation. Leveraging his expertise in frameworks like TOGAF and Zachman, he has guided teams in defining the roadmaps, technical frameworks, and processes needed for effective enterprise transformation. His ability to blend strategic insight with technical precision has helped numerous organizations streamline processes and adopt agile, scalable solutions. Innovating with Cloud and Microservices Architecture Praveen's work in cloud computing and microservices has been integral to his success in driving organizational growth and efficiency. Skilled in AWS, Azure, and TANZU, he has led high-stakes cloud migration and optimization projects, transforming traditional infrastructures into flexible, modern systems. Praveen's mastery of microservices and containerized architectures enables organizations to achieve both scalability and operational flexibility, particularly crucial in high-demand sectors like finance and healthcare. One standout achievement was his role in an extensive architecture overhaul at a major healthcare provider, where he developed a cohesive strategy to enhance electronic data interchange (EDI) processes. This project, which required seamless integration and data interoperability, exemplified Praveen's approach to solutions architecture: meeting complex technical requirements while delivering practical, impactful results. Leadership and Mentorship Beyond his technical skills, Praveen is recognized for his collaborative leadership and mentorship. He actively promotes cross-functional alignment, ensuring that teams work in harmony toward unified goals. By guiding junior engineers and architects, he fosters an environment of continuous learning and innovation, encouraging his teams to think critically and creatively. This dedication to mentorship has left a lasting impact on his colleagues, contributing to a culture of growth and technical excellence. Recognition and Accolades Praveen's work has earned him significant recognition, including an early "Best Developer of the Year" award. His numerous certifications, including TOGAF and AWS Cloud Practitioner, highlight his commitment to professional development and staying at the forefront of industry advancements. Praveen is also Microsoft Certified - Azure Solutions Architect Expert. These credentials, paired with his real-world achievements, reinforce his status as a trusted leader in the field. Praveen Sivathapandi was honored with the Technical Professional of the Year award at the Titan Awards for his exceptional contributions to healthcare modernization and digital transformation. He has played a pivotal role in large-scale projects like the New Mexico Medicaid Management Information System Replacement and modernizing claims processing systems for Health Management Systems (HMS). His expertise in cloud architecture, data integration, and regulatory compliance has driven operational efficiencies, reduced processing times, and enhanced scalability, solidifying his reputation as a leader in technological innovation within healthcare and finance sectors. Vision for AI and Predictive Enterprise Architecture Looking to the future, Praveen envisions enterprise architecture enhanced by AI and machine learning, enabling real-time insights and predictive capabilities. His current focus is on data-driven strategies that help enterprises become more agile, responsive, and efficient. By integrating AI with solutions architecture, he aims to support hyper-efficiency and rapid adaptation to industry changes. Praveen's forward-thinking approach aligns with the demands of an evolving tech environment, where the ability to respond dynamically to data insights is paramount. Legacy of Innovation and Excellence Praveen Sivathapandi's career is a testament to his role as a transformative force in solutions architecture. From optimizing cloud environments to mentoring future technology leaders, his work consistently raises the bar for excellence. Each project reflects his dedication to innovation, strategic thinking, and collaboration, solidifying his influence across multiple industries. As Praveen continues to lead the way in enterprise solutions, his journey inspires a new generation of architects to approach technology with both vision and precision, shaping a more resilient and adaptable future.Timberwolves win third straight game, again in dramatic fashion
An environmental law non-profit has filed intent to sue Cooke Aquaculture over the Saint John company’s salmon farming operations in the Gulf of Maine. The Conservation Law Foundation filed notice to Cooke Nov. 14 that it intends to sue under the U.S. Clean Water Act, claiming that Cooke is failing to satisfy its operating permit by allegedly discharging effluent from its salmon pens in the Gulf of Maine and affecting other water uses, including fishing and lobstering. In a statement Nov. 14, Cooke said it “vehemently denies” the allegations, saying that it is satisfying its regulatory obligations and that its Atlantic salmon operations do not negatively affect lobstering. Heather Govern, vice-president for the foundation’s Clean Air and Water Program, said the group has been investigating Cooke’s operations for two and a half years. It operates out of six New England states engaging in environmental advocacy, Govern said. “We began this investigation due to a number of local communities up and down the Maine coastline who were worried about the impacts of salmon net pen farms,” Govern said. “What we found out is the solid waste coming from these net pens ... smothers plants and ocean life, there’s also potential for disease outbreaks.” She said the Clean Water Act allows the foundation to “step into the shoes of the regulators” by filing a lawsuit, she said. “We’re able to investigate and bring actions against companies that are not abiding by their permit conditions,” she said. The lawsuit targets 13 sites around Swans Island, Eastern Bay, Machias Bay, which is about 50 kilometres west of Grand Manan Island, and Cobscook Bay, which is about 20 km west of Campobello Island. Each site has between six and 30 pens, according to the lawsuit, each holding tens of thousands of fish. The suit alleges based on “information and belief” that the pens pollute the surrounding waters by discharges of fish feces, dead and uneaten food, disease, sea lice, escaped fish and trash. Cooke’s net pen permit expired in 2019 but has been “administratively continued” since it expired, the suit said. Govern said that the pollution settles on the ocean floor, where it affects food sources for haddock and lobster, impacting the livelihood of those in fishing and lobstering. She said that the company’s permit doesn’t allow it to “impair other water users,” including commercial use or recreation. Cooke denied the allegations, saying that they are “false, misleading and lack any substantiating evidence,” saying it’s “proud of its contributions to Maine’s iconic seafood industry,” and that it employs 230 people in the state. The release says that it is in “full compliance with the laws set forth” by Maine’s department of environmental protection (DEP) and department of marine resources (DMR), as well as its operating permits. “Finfish aquaculture has coexisted with heritage fisheries, such as lobstering, in Maine waters for more than 40 years,” Cooke said in the release. “Lobster landings are not negatively affected by Atlantic salmon farms. In fact, lobster gear is set alongside and within aquaculture lease boundaries.” The lawsuit points to regulatory reports where it says some information is missing or would be different if the terms of Cooke’s permit were being followed. Govern also says the foundation has made freedom of information requests dating up to 2023 and part of the litigation will be developing expert reports detailing the environmental impacts. The lawsuit also mentions a discharge of 50,000 salmon in Machias Bay in 2023 after an alleged seal attack, a 10,000-fish “die-off” in 2021 at Black Island, and another large die-off in Eastern Bay in 2024. Cooke USA spokesperson Steven Hedlund said that in June, the company removed mortalities near Jonesport and Beals that were “a result of naturally occurring marine algae” which dissolved oxygen in the water and then dispersed after a few days. “All livestock farmers encounter and manage mortalities,” he said, saying Cooke took reasonable steps in accordance with its own procedures and notified the DMR. Brunswick News asked how many fish were involved in the mortalities and did not receive a response. Glenda Beal is a selectman on the governance body on Beals Island, Maine, population 450, which was working on an aquaculture ordinance and passed a moratorium in late July after concerns related to the die-off. She said that there was no notification to the select board to give them a heads up about the die-off and they had to hear it “from the grapevine.” “We got no notification from Cooke. It seems to me that if they were being good neighbours ethically, it would be something they would want the fishermen to know about,” she said. “It could affect the whole bay, depending on what caused it.” Beal said that the lobster catch in Maine is down but she said there’s “no way to tell” if finfish farming is impacting that or not, in response to Cooke’s claim. “If I can’t say if they are, neither can they,” she said. “You’d have to track it for decades ... it’s nothing you can really pin down because lobsters can be caught in one area and not in another.” She said that lobstermen from her area had reported issues in Eastern Bay including aquaculture vessels severing their traps, as well as mooring for the vessels creating a navigation hazard and free-floating cords getting tied up in engines. There were also concerns about plastic tubing from the pens washing up on nearby beaches. Govern alleged that there isn’t much oversight over the operation, and that regulation has been light since Cooke’s entry into the state 20 years ago. Cooke entered the market in 2004 by purchasing Atlantic Salmon of Maine, a subsidiary of Norway-based Fjord Seafood, according to its website. “There’s no 24-hour camera footage that anyone can get a hold of, so it’s hard to know what exactly causes these releases, these escapes,” she said, saying that they could get more information from the litigation. “The public deserves to know that, as well, this should be all public information. When Cooke can hide what’s happening, that’s never good for the environment and the communities.” DEP deputy commissioner David R. Madore said that the department has a “variety of enforcement actions” available to it when licence conditions are broken, and that in 10 years, Cooke has received six letters of warning, 20 notices of violations and entered into one administrative consent agreement. Madore said Cooke’s permit remains in effect until it is formally renewed, which the department intends to do but has not yet completed due to delays around staffing limitations. Sebastian Belle, executive director of the Maine Aquaculture Association, said the lawsuit was “surprising” because he said that the state or federal governments could have moved in and threatened to pull their permits, “and as far as I know, that hasn’t happened.” Belle says an operator in Maine has to abide by federal and state regulations, but the federal government delegates its authority to the state. He said that the federal government could step in and revoke Maine’s ability to regulate on its behalf if it was unhappy with the outcome. “It’s a very powerful system with a lot of cross-checks,” Belle said, saying the system was “refined” following Cooke’s entry to the state to target the most important metrics. He said environmental groups like the CLF were involved in developing best practices for the industry in 2002. Belle previously worked for Maine DMR before joining the association, an industry group that represents large and small producers who work with different species and has representation from Cooke on its board of directors. In Cooke’s release, it says it is “routinely audited and certified by third party programs,” including the Monterey Bay Aquarium’s Seafood Watch, which rates its Maine-farmed salmon as a “good alternative.” That rating, equivalent to yellow on a traffic light, is a recommendation to “buy if a green-rated option is not available.” Its report cited a lack of fish escapes since 2003 but was issued in 2021, prior to the 2023 fish escapes. Cooke also cited its participation in Global Seafood Alliance’s Best Aquaculture Practices program, which requires all of its facilities to be audited for “environmental responsibility, social accountability, animal health and welfare, and food safety.” In May, 76 environmental groups, including the Conservation Council of New Brunswick and Protect Maine’s Fishing Heritage Foundation, signed an open letter accusing the program of “greenwashing” by having basic requirements that are “too weak” to protect wild salmon. Cooke was forced out of the state of Washington after 300,000 Atlantic salmon escaped into Puget Sound after a net collapse in 2017. In 2022, the state’s department of natural resources banned finfish net pen aquaculture in state-owned waters and did not renew Cooke’s remaining licences. In March this year, the state said the “fight” was over after Cooke withdrew its remaining appeals, which Cooke said it did because the state had delayed necessary documents and it would be “futile” to proceed without them. Govern said that situation was different because of the environmental impact of releasing Atlantic salmon into the Pacific Ocean and because of the scale of the release. But she said that on the East Coast, “millions of dollars” have been spent on measures to bring back endangered wild Atlantic salmon. “What doesn’t make much sense is you’re allowing a commercial or industrial operation to be here and potentially damage what little Atlantic salmon population we’re trying so hard to bring back,” she said. “It happened out west, if you have an enormous storm or weather conditions that knock these pens over, it’s millions of these farmed salmon (across all sites) that would then infect and affect negatively this wild salmon population.” In June, B.C. announced a ban on net-pen salmon farms effective in 2029. Govern said that Canada is dealing with some of the same pollution issues but has stronger regulations. She also mentioned enforcement campaigns in Iceland and Norway. “We’re developing better understanding now, the scientists, the regulators, around the impact of having what is essentially a sewage pipe ... that is just allowed to drop into the ocean,” Govern said. Belle said that in the early days of Maine’s salmon farming, companies were “exceeding the carrying capacity of those sites, they were doing it because they didn’t know any better.” He said that with better regulation and monitoring, “everybody has learned that they have to farm to the carrying capacity of those sites.” “When that happens, the impacts on the bottom around the farm are minimal,” he said. He noted that the Clean Water Act’s lawsuit stipulation allows companies to settle, creating a chance for the plaintiff to financially benefit. Unlike what happened out west, Govern said the lawsuit is not intended to shut down Cooke’s operations, but compel it to meet its obligations. Of the 230 employees Cooke says it employs in Maine, Govern said far fewer work directly with the pens. Hedlund told Brunswick News the number is about two-thirds, or about 150. “People think, oh are you trying to shut down Cooke and shut our business here? That is not the point. In fact, Cooke will have to hire more employees,” Govern said, including expert monitoring and operators. “We’re not getting rid of jobs, in fact CLF wants to add jobs, but Cooke’s gotta pay ‘em, and be willing to affect their bottom line a little bit by protecting the environment.” The Clean Water Act requires a 60-day notice period before CLF can files the papers in U.S. federal court. Govern said that Cooke could approach the CLF to discuss a settlement, but that they would have to accept terms that would benefit the environment. Richardson declined a request for comment on whether Cooke would be open to settlement talks.Priyanka Gandhi Slams Bihar Govt Over 'Inhumane' Crackdown on Student Protestors
Bell Canada signage is pictured in Ottawa on Wednesday Sept. 7, 2022. The Federal Court of Appeal has rejected BCE Inc.'s request for a stay of a regulatory decision that will allow independent companies to sell internet services to their customers using its fibre network in Ontario and Quebec.THE CANADIAN PRESS/Sean Kilpatrick Sean Kilpatrick/The Canadian Press BCE Inc.’s BCE-T dividend is in trouble: The telecom giant has been paying out more to shareholders than it is generating in profits, and some analysts have begun to float the idea that a cut to the quarterly distribution might be necessary. But these aren’t compelling reasons to run from the stock. Yes, dividend cuts leave shareholders with depleted income streams and they raise questions about a company’s strategic direction. Stocks with reduced payouts can be turfed out of dividend indexes and mutual funds if they no longer satisfy investment mandates, contributing to selling pressure that can weigh further on share prices. But there are at least two solid reasons why investors can do better by embracing stocks with slashed payouts – including BCE, if it joins this group – rather than selling them when share prices are already depressed. For starters, full disclosure: I own BCE shares. More importantly, I’ve written about BCE several times over the past couple of years, always with a bullish – and laughably incorrect – conclusion. There was that time in 2022, when I calculated the superior returns investors can get after the dividend yield rises above 6 per cent . The share price has fallen 30 per cent since then. Earlier this year, when BCE’s dividend yield neared the 8-per-cent threshold, I argued that the stock’s payout essentially matched the long-term average annualized performance of the stock market. BCE has since underperformed the S&P/TSX Composite Index by 47 percentage points. And in September, I reported on the impressive historical returns among telecom stocks when interest rates are falling and dividends look more attractive next to bond yields. BCE shares have fallen 19 per cent since then. Now, even BCE’s dividend policy is looking increasingly frail as the telecom wrestles with high debt and weaker profits. In early November, the company announced that it will acquire internet provider Ziply Fiber for $5-billion – and, in the same breath, said it is pausing dividend hikes. Soon after, Desmond Lau, an analyst at Veritas Investment Research, published results from a survey that suggested most institutional investors think BCE should cut its payout , and by as much as 50 per cent. This week, Maher Yaghi, an analyst at Bank of Nova Scotia, added his voice to the dividend skeptics, arguing in a note that the telecom should consider cutting its dividend if it is determined to expand into the U.S. or address intense competition in Canada. So why stick with the stock if the dividend appears unreliable? Here are my two reasons for staying put. One, sentiment may have hit rock bottom. The collective wisdom of investors – reflected in a share price that has fallen to 13-year lows and a dividend yield that has risen above 10 per cent – is suggesting that the dividend, as we know it, is already toast. Even a deep cut shouldn’t come as a surprise to investors, which means that the stock might be sitting near a low point. That’s never a good time to bail out. And if BCE doesn’t cut its dividend, you’re getting a very good payout. The other reason to stick with BCE: Companies that have slashed their dividends can rebound. JPMorgan Chase & Co. offers an ideal case. It cut its quarterly dividend in 2009, during the financial crisis, to 5 US cents a share from 38 US cents. The share price doubled within a year. During the COVID-19 lockdowns in 2020, at least 10 high-profile Canadian companies – including Suncor Energy Inc., RioCan Real Estate Investment Trust and Sleep Country Canada Holdings Inc. – slashed their quarterly payouts to preserve cash when the economy was in freefall. Within a year, this group of stocks was up more than 56 per cent and outperforming the S&P Dividend Aristocrats Index, which consists of stocks that have a history of raising their dividends every year, by 21 percentage points. There are no insurmountable obstacles to a BCE rebound. Telecom is a stable, economically defensive sector. BCE is highly profitable with fat margins. It demonstrated in September, when it sold its stake in Maple Leaf Sports & Entertainment for $4.7-billion, that it can shed assets when it needs to. And, if it decides to reduce its dividend, what’s not to like about a company with a sustainable payout and the enhanced financial flexibility to expand or beef up its competitive profile? BCE’s recent performance has been awful, but the looming threat of a dividend cut hardly seems like the ideal time to call it quits on the stock.NEW YORK , Dec. 6, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- Why: Rosen Law Firm, a global investor rights law firm, reminds purchasers of securities of iLearningEngines, Inc. (NASDAQ: AILE) between April 22, 2024 and August 28, 2024 , both dates inclusive (the "Class Period"), of t the important December 6, 2024 lead plaintiff deadline. So what: If you purchased iLearningEngines securities during the Class Period you may be entitled to compensation without payment of any out of pocket fees or costs through a contingency fee arrangement. What to do next: To join the iLearningEngines class action, go to https://rosenlegal.com/submit-form/?case_id=28305 or call Phillip Kim, Esq. toll-free at 866-767-3653 or email case@rosenlegal.com for information on the class action. A class action lawsuit has already been filed. If you wish to serve as lead plaintiff, you must move the Court no later than December 6, 2024 . A lead plaintiff is a representative party acting on behalf of other class members in directing the litigation. Why Rosen Law: We encourage investors to select qualified counsel with a track record of success in leadership roles. Often, firms issuing notices do not have comparable experience, resources, or any meaningful peer recognition. Be wise in selecting counsel. The Rosen Law Firm represents investors throughout the globe, concentrating its practice in securities class actions and shareholder derivative litigation. Rosen Law Firm achieved the largest ever securities class action settlement against a Chinese Company at the time. Rosen Law Firm was Ranked No. 1 by ISS Securities Class Action Services for number of securities class action settlements in 2017. The firm has been ranked in the top 4 each year since 2013 and has recovered hundreds of millions of dollars for investors. In 2019 alone the firm secured over $438 million for investors. In 2020, founding partner Laurence Rosen was named by law360 as a Titan of Plaintiffs' Bar. Many of the firm's attorneys have been recognized by Lawdragon and Super Lawyers. Details of the case: According to the lawsuit, during the Class Period, defendants made false and/or misleading statements and/or failed to disclose that: (1) iLearningEngines' "Technology Partner" was an undisclosed related party; (2) iLearningEngines used its undisclosed related party Technology Partner to report "largely fake" revenue and expenses; (3) as a result of the foregoing, iLearningEngines significantly overstated its revenue; and (4) as a result of the foregoing, defendants' positive statements about iLearningEngines' business, operations, and prospects were materially misleading and/or lacked a reasonable basis. When the true details entered the market, the lawsuit claims that investors suffered damages. To join the iLearningEngines class action, go to https://rosenlegal.com/submit-form/?case_id=28305 or call Phillip Kim, Esq. toll-free at 866-767-3653 or email case@rosenlegal.com for information on the class action. No Class Has Been Certified. Until a class is certified, you are not represented by counsel unless you retain one. You may select counsel of your choice. You may also remain an absent class member and do nothing at this point. An investor's ability to share in any potential future recovery is not dependent upon serving as lead plaintiff. Follow us for updates on LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/company/the-rosen-law-firm , on Twitter: https://twitter.com/rosen_firm or on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/rosenlawfirm/ . Attorney Advertising. Prior results do not guarantee a similar outcome. Contact Information: Laurence Rosen, Esq. Phillip Kim, Esq. The Rosen Law Firm, P.A. 275 Madison Avenue, 40th Floor New York, NY 10016 Tel: (212) 686-1060 Toll Free: (866) 767-3653 Fax: (212) 202-3827 case@rosenlegal.com www.rosenlegal.com View original content to download multimedia: https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/aile-deadline-today-aile-investors-have-opportunity-to-lead-ilearningengines-inc-securities-fraud-lawsuit-302325082.html SOURCE THE ROSEN LAW FIRM, P. A.
Risk And Reward Perfectly Aligned For Micron Technology Inc. (MU)
How to Watch the NBA Today, December 7Moberly mayor nominates Mike Skubic to fill open City Council seatSouth Korea's president avoids an impeachment attempt over short-lived martial law
SEOUL, South Korea (AP) — South Korea's embattled President Yoon Suk Yeol avoided an opposition-led attempt to impeach him over his short-lived imposition of martial law , as most ruling party lawmakers boycotted a parliamentary vote Saturday to deny a two-thirds majority needed to suspend his presidential powers. The scrapping of the motion is expected to intensify protests calling for Yoon’s ouster and deepen political chaos in South Korea, with a survey suggesting a majority of South Koreans support the president’s impeachment. Yoon’s martial law declaration drew criticism from his own ruling conservative People Power Party, but the party is also determined to oppose Yoon’s impeachment apparently because it fears losing the presidency to liberals. After the motion fell through, members of the main liberal opposition Democratic Party rallied inside the National Assembly, chanting slogans calling for Yoon's impeachment or resignation. The party's floor leader, Park Chan-dae, said it will soon prepare for a new impeachment motion. Opposition parties could submit a new impeachment motion after a new parliamentary session opens next Wednesday. “We'll surely impeach Yoon Suk Yeol, who is the greatest risk to Republic of Korea,” party leader Lee Jae-myung said. “We'll surely bring back this country to normal before Christmas Day or year's end.” Many experts worry Yoon won’t be able to serve out his remaining 2 1⁄2 years in office. They say some PPP lawmakers could eventually join opposition parties’ efforts to impeach Yoon if public demands for it grow further. The ruling party risks "further public outrage and national confusion if they don’t find a formula fast for Yoon’s departure,” said Duyeon Kim, a senior analyst at the Center for a New American Security in Washington. PPP chair Han Dong-hun said his party will seek Yoon’s “orderly” early exit but didn’t say when he can resign. On Saturday, tens of thousands of people packed several blocks of roads leading to the National Assembly, waving banners, shouting slogans and dancing. Protesters also gathered in front of PPP’s headquarters near the Assembly, shouting for its lawmakers to vote to impeach Yoon. A smaller crowd of Yoon’s supporters, which still seemed to be in the thousands, rallied elsewhere in Seoul, calling the impeachment attempt unconstitutional. Impeaching Yoon required support from 200 of the National Assembly's 300 members. The Democratic Party and five other small opposition parties, which filed the motion, have 192 seats combined. But only three lawmakers from PPP participated in the vote. The motion was scrapped without ballot counting because the number of votes didn’t reach 200. National Assembly Speaker Woo Won Shik called the result “very regrettable” and an embarrassing moment for the country’s democracy. If Yoon is impeached, his powers will be suspended until the Constitutional Court decides whether to remove him from office. If he is removed, an election to replace him must take place within 60 days. Earlier Saturday, Yoon issued an apology over the martial law decree, saying he won’t shirk legal or political responsibility for the declaration and promising not to make another attempt to impose it. He said would leave it to his party to chart a course through the country’s political turmoil, “including matters related to my term in office.” “The declaration of this martial law was made out of my desperation. But in the course of its implementation, it caused anxiety and inconveniences to the public. I feel very sorry over that and truly apologize to the people who must have been shocked a lot,” Yoon said. Since taking office in 2022, Yoon has struggled to push his agenda through an opposition-controlled parliament and grappled with low approval ratings amid scandals involving himself and his wife. In his martial law announcement on Tuesday night, Yoon called parliament a “den of criminals” bogging down state affairs and vowed to eliminate “shameless North Korea followers and anti-state forces.” The declaration of martial law was the first of its kind in more than 40 years in South Korea. The turmoil has paralyzed South Korean politics and sparked alarm among key diplomatic partners like the U.S. and Japan. “Yoon’s credibility overseas has been undermined by declaring martial law, so he won’t be able to exercise leadership in his foreign policies especially when his days are numbered,” Kim, the analyst, said. “Its government bureaucracy will need to continue business as usual for existing alliance and foreign policy initiatives as best it can because there is a lot of important work to do globally.” Tuesday night saw special forces troops encircling the parliament building and army helicopters hovering over it, but the military withdrew after the National Assembly unanimously voted to overturn the decree, forcing Yoon to lift it before daybreak Wednesday. Eighteen lawmakers from the ruling party voted to reject Yoon’s martial law decree along with opposition lawmakers. PPP later decided to oppose Yoon's impeachment motion. Yoon’s speech fueled speculation that he and his party may push for a constitutional amendment to shorten his term, instead of accepting impeachment, as a way to ease public anger over the marital law and facilitate Yoon’s early exit from office. Lee told reporters that Yoon’s speech was “greatly disappointing” and that the only way forward is his immediate resignation or impeachment. His party called Yoon’s martial law “unconstitutional, illegal rebellion or coup.” Lawmakers on Saturday first voted on a bill appointing a special prosecutor to investigate stock price manipulation allegations surrounding Yoon’s wife. On Friday, Han, who criticized Yoon’s martial law declaration, said he had received intelligence that during the brief period of martial law Yoon ordered the country’s defense counterintelligence commander to arrest unspecified key politicians based on accusations of “anti-state activities.” Hong Jang-won, first deputy director of South Korea’s spy agency, told lawmakers Friday that Yoon had ordered him to help the defense counterintelligence unit to detain key politicians including Han, Lee and Woo. The Defense Ministry said Friday it suspended three military commanders including the head of the defense counterintelligence unit over their involvement in enforcing martial law. Vice Defense Minister Kim Seon Ho has told parliament that Defense Minister Kim Yong Hyun ordered the deployment of troops to the National Assembly. Opposition parties accused Kim of recommending to Yoon to enforce martial law. Kim Yong Hyun resigned Thursday, and prosecutors imposed an overseas travel ban on him.Salman Khan visits Jamnagar mall with Anant Ambani, Shah Rukh arrives in the cityColeen Rooney 'wants Rebekah Vardy to shut up and leave her alone' after I'm A Celeb
Big boost for parents as Aldi Ireland brings school uniforms back – with prices from €1.65
Trump’s tariffs in his first term did little to alter the economy, but this time could be different