Questions linger on fire and flood at Crozer-Chester Medical Center
In joint reporting with the Investigative Journalism Foundation, CBC News dug into who's behind social media advertising targeting the carbon tax. Turns out, several former Saskatchewan Party staffers are involved.
NEW YORK (AP) — Angelina Jolie never expected to hit all the notes. But finding the breath of Maria Callas was enough to bring things out of Jolie that she didn’t even know were in her. “All of us, we really don’t realize where things land in our body over a lifetime of different experiences and where we hold it to protect ourselves,” Jolie said in a recent interview. “We hold it in our stomachs. We hold it in our chest. We breathe from a different place when we’re nervous or we’re sad. “The first few weeks were the hardest because my body had to open and I had to breathe again,” she adds. “And that was a discovery of how much I wasn’t.” In Pablo Larraín’s “Maria,” which Netflix released in theaters Wednesday before it begins streaming on Dec. 11, Jolie gives, if not the performance of her career, then certainly of her last decade. Beginning with 2010’s “In the Land of Blood and Honey,” Jolie has spent recent years directing films while prioritizing raising her six children. “So my choices for quite a few years were whatever was smart financially and short. I worked very little the last eight years,” says Jolie. “And I was kind of drained. I couldn’t for a while.” But her youngest kids are now 16. And for the first time in years, Jolie is back in the spotlight, in full movie-star mode. Her commanding performance in “Maria” seems assured of bringing Jolie her third Oscar nomination. (She won supporting actress in 2000 for “Girl, Interrupted.”) For an actress whose filmography might lack a signature movie, “Maria” may be Jolie's defining role. Jolie's oldest children, Maddox and Pax, worked on the set of the film. There, they saw a version of their mother they hadn't seen before. “They had certainly seen me sad in my life. But I don’t cry in front of my children like that,” Jolie says of the emotion Callas dredged up in her. “That was a moment in realizing they were going to be with me, side by side, in this process of really understanding the depth of some of the pain I carry.” Jolie, who met a reporter earlier this fall at the Carlyle Hotel, didn't speak in any detail of that pain. But it was hard not to sense some it had to do with her lengthy and ongoing divorce from Brad Pitt, with whom she had six children. Just prior to meeting, a judge allowed Pitt’s remaining claim against Jolie, over the French winery Château Miraval, to proceed. On Monday, a judge ruled that Pitt must disclose documents Jolie’s legal team have sought that they allege include “communications concerning abuse.” Pitt has denied ever being abusive. The result of the U.S. presidential election was also just days old, though Jolie — special envoy for the United Nations Refugee Agency from 2012 to 2022 – wasn’t inclined to talk politics. Asked about Donald Trump’s win , she responded, “Global storytelling is essential,” before adding: “That’s what I’m focusing on. Listening. Listening to the voices of people in my country and around the world.” Balancing such things — reports concerning her private life, questions that accompany someone of her fame — is a big reason why Jolie is so suited to the part of Callas. The film takes place during the American-born soprano’s final days. (She died of a heart attack at 53 in 1977.) Spending much of her time in her grand Paris apartment, Callas hasn’t sung publicly in years; she’s lost her voice. Imprisoned by the myth she’s created, Callas is redefining herself and her voice. An instructor tells her he wants to hear “Callas, not Maria." The movie, of course, is more concerned with Maria. It’s Larrain’s third portrait of 20th century female icon, following “Jackie” (with Natalie Portman as Jacqueline Kennedy) and “Spencer” (with Kristen Stewart as Princess Diana). As Callas, Jolie is wonderfully regal — a self-possessed diva who deliciously, in lines penned by screenwriter Steven Knight, spouts lines like: “I took liberties all my life and the world took liberties with me.” Asked if she identified with that line, Jolie answered, “Yeah, yeah.” Then she took a long pause. “I’m sure people will read a lot into this and there’s probably a lot I could say but don’t want to feed into,” Jolie eventually continues. “I know she was a public person because she loved her work. And I’m a public person because I love my work, not because I like being public. I think some people are more comfortable with a public life, and I’ve never been fully comfortable with it.” When Larraín first approached Jolie about the role, he screened “Spencer” for her. That film, like “Jackie” and “Maria,” eschews a biopic approach to instead intimately focus on a specific moment of crisis. Larraín was convinced Jolie was meant for the role. “I felt she could have that magnetism,” Larraín says. “The enigmatic diva that’s come to a point in her life where she has to take control of her life again. But the weight of her experience, of her music, of her singing, everything, is on her back. And she carries that. It’s someone who’s already loaded with a life that’s been intense.” “There’s a loneliness that we both share,” Jolie says. “That’s not necessarily a bad thing. I think people can be alone and lonely sometimes, and that can be part of who they are.” Larraín, the Chilean filmmaker, grew up in Santiago going to the opera, and he has long yearned to bring its full power and majesty to a movie. In Callas, he heard something that transfixed him. “I hear something near perfection, but at the same time, it’s something that’s about to be destroyed,” Larraín says. “So it’s as fragile and as strong as possible. It lives in both extremes. That’s why it’s so moving. I hear a voice that’s about to be broken, but it doesn’t.” In Callas’ less perfect moments singing in the film, Larraín fuses archival recordings of Callas with Jolie’s own voice. Some mix of the two runs throughout “Maria.” “Early in the process,” Jolie says, “I discovered that you can’t fake-sing opera.” Jolie has said she never sang before, not even karaoke. But the experience has left her with a newfound appreciation of opera and its healing properties. “I wonder if it’s something you lean into as you get older,” Jolie says. “Maybe your depth of pain is bigger, your depth of loss is bigger, and that sound in opera meets that, the enormity of it.” If Larraín’s approach to “Maria” is predicated on an unknowingness, he's inclined to say something similar about his star. “Because of media and social media, some people might think that they know a lot about Angelina,” he says. “Maria, I read nine biographies of her. I saw everything. I read every interview. I made this movie. But I don’t think I would be capable of telling you who she was us. So if there’s an element in common, it’s that. They carry an enormous amount of mystery. Even if you think that you know them, you don’t.” Whether “Maria” means more acting in the future for Jolie, she's not sure. “There's not a clear map,” she says. Besides, Jolie isn't quite ready to shake Callas. “When you play a real person, you feel at some point that they become your friend,” says Jolie. “Right now, it’s still a little personal. It’s funny, I’ll be at a premiere or I’ll walk into a room and someone will start blaring her music for fun, but I have this crazy internal sense memory of dropping to my knees and crying.” Jake Coyle, The Associated PressFuel subsidy in Nigeria has ignited topical issues in national discourse, business circles and almost all sectors of the economy. The removal of the subsidy took effect on the inauguration of President Bola Tinubu on May 29, 2023. The government promised to channel money saved from petrol subsidy removal to important sectors, such as education and healthcare and reduce Nigeria’s dependence on imported fuel. It also hoped to increase employment, reduce the budget deficit and generate a budget surplus soon, reduce government borrowing, curb corruption associated with fuel subsidy payments and reinvigorate domestic refineries. The subsidy removal, which was initially intended to alleviate the financial burden on citizens, has become unbearable and harsh. The rise in fuel prices triggers inflationary pressures, erasing the purchasing power of citizens and reducing their standard of living. Due to the hike in fuel prices, there is an automatic increment in transport fares, which many transporters have taken advantage of, causing inconvenience for Nigerians, despite the harsh living conditions. Fuel subsidy removal has brought about harsh living conditions for students, especially in feeding and transportation. A fare of N400 before the removal of the fuel subsidy has skyrocketed to over N1,000 and this has not just affected students but their parents also. The living conditions of many students have declined significantly, which could adversely impact serious-minded students and prevent them from attaining their academic goals. In addition, the hike in fuel prices has affected businesses across various sectors, from transportation to manufacturing. High operating costs have reduced the profitability of many enterprises, leading to job losses and even business closures. The immediate consequence of fuel subsidy removal was the hike in fuel prices. This increase has had grave effects on the economy, leading to higher transportation costs, increased food prices, and a surge in the cost of living. The agricultural sector, which is crucial to Nigeria’s economy, has not been immune to the effects of fuel subsidy removal. Higher fuel prices increase the cost of production, transportation, and storage, leading to reduced food production and increased food prices. Also, the removal of fuel subsidy has caused widespread protests and social chaos across the country. The perceived hardship has led to increased tensions, with many Nigerians expressing frustration and displeasure about the government’s economic policies. Related News Nigerians to reap FG’s economic reforms by 2025 – Osun APC chieftain Direct IG to implement court-ordered reinstament, disengaged cops beg Tinubu Publish your assets, Shettima, others should follow, SERAP urges Tinubu The removal of fuel subsidy has led to over a 100 per cent increment in school fees in many tertiary institutions. This is due to the high cost of school maintenance. For example, the cost of fuel to power the generator for the school and the cost of running academic activities have led to universities’ increased financial demands from students. Moreover, increased house rent is another impact of the removal of fuel subsidy. Landlords across the country have reviewed rents upward due to the high costs of building materials. Another fallout of the removal of petrol subsidy is the slowdown in economic growth. Before the removal of fuel subsidy, Nigeria had a striving-to-be-better economy. But with the fuel subsidy removed, things have become more difficult for Nigerians due to the high cost of living. Increased poverty is one of the dire consequences of fuel subsidy removal. Although poverty alleviation is one of the reasons the government gave for the removal of fuel subsidy, poverty has only escalated after the removal of fuel subsidy and many Nigerians are now living from hand to mouth. Due to the harsh and poor conditions of living, many Nigerian youths are taking to crime, which has increased the crime rate in the country. Many Nigerians have lost their jobs due to the closure of businesses due to the high operating costs of these firms. And this is hereby affecting so many families, as they find it difficult to feed. The removal of fuel subsidy in Nigeria is a complex issue with many socio-economic implications. While the policy shift is necessary to drive economic reform, it is essential to implement measures to minimise the grave effects on the most vulnerable in society. I recommend that the government carefully evaluate the impact of fuel subsidy removal on individuals, families and businesses and provide palliatives and other economic relief programmes to minimise the adverse effect on individuals and firms. Josephine Obisanya in 200-level Mass Communication at the Olabisi Onabanjo University
Many stocks performed well in 2024, but none better than those powered by artificial intelligence (AI). The technology fueled the bull market this year, with a few dozen stocks powering the S&P 500 ( ^GSPC -1.11% ) to a roughly 27.5% gain (as of Dec. 26). After such a phenomenal run, many popular AI names are expensive, with investors betting that these companies continue to grow at high rates and that their markets only get bigger. A good AI play trading at a reasonable multiple is a rarity these days. However, just a few weeks ago, a new AI stock joined the Nasdaq and could become a Wall Street darling in 2025. Better yet, it doesn't trade at an astronomic valuation. Back in the mix AI infrastructure company Nebius Group ( NBIS -3.46% ) got back in the mix a few months ago when the company rejoined the Nasdaq exchange after a three-year hiatus. The Russian company Yandex previously owned Nebius. After Russia invaded Ukraine, the U.S. imposed sanctions on companies linked to Russia. However, earlier this year, Yandex split off its international assets in a $5.4 billion deal. Four AI businesses split off from Yandex and into the Amsterdam-based Nebius company, including cloud, data labeling, edtech, and autonomous vehicles. Nebius essentially offers AI-as-a-service, providing companies and developers building AI models with access to graphics processing unit (GPU) clusters and a cloud platform. AI is expensive to build internally, but is becoming a technology that most businesses can't ignore if they want to stay relative. For instance, ServiceNow used Nebius to increase throughput on their conversational chatbot from 400 evaluation tasks per week to as many as 3,000 tasks a day. Nebius got a huge endorsement when it closed a $700 million private financing that included the large venture capital firm Accel and AI chip king Nvidia . Nebius has a special partnership with Nvidia, and its website says its customers will be the first to access Nvidia's new Blackwell chips. There has already been some excitement about the stock. Nebius came back onto the Nasdaq at $20 in late October, and shares are up over 41% since. Becoming the next AI darling Nebius got another big endorsement from Citron Research's Andrew Left, who said Wall Street has yet to catch on to Nebius' appeal. No analysts cover the stock, which isn't a huge surprise because it only returned to the Nasdaq a few months ago, and it can take analysts a long time to create and publish an initiation report. The company's financials are attractive. In its most recent quarter, Nebius grew revenue by 766% year over year and trimmed its losses by 45%. Nebius also has nearly $2.3 billion of cash and cash equivalents and very little debt. The company is investing $1 billion in GPU clusters in Paris and also doing a major expansion to its data center in Finland. Management expects the company's annualized revenue run rate to increase to the range of $750 million to $1 billion by the end of 2025. Nvidia shares trade at 47 times forward earnings , which isn't exactly unique in AI these days. While Nebius isn't a competitor and leverages Nvidia's chips, the company is expected to turn profitable next year and trades below 8 times forward earnings. Considering the projected growth of revenue and earnings and its growing market, this is a bargain. Left compares Nebius to Coreweave , a similar AI infrastructure company rumored to soon go public at a $35 billion valuation. Nebius has a roughly $6.7 billion market cap right now. The official announcement of Coreweave's IPO and ensuing registration statement could help better define the market for Nebius. Nebius is also likely still tricky for investors due to geopolitical events in recent years and its ties to Russia. However, investments from Accel and Nvidia are an important sign of legitimacy, and it's hard to find a quality name like Nebius trading at valuations this low.[Source: CNN News] Before she became a platinum-selling artist, rapper Latto was a contestant on the reality competition, “The Rap Game.” Now she’s flipping the stage as a judge for the new season of Netflix’s hip-hop competition series, “Rhythm + Flow.” Viewers will be able to determine for themselves how tough as Netflix streams the second season of the series in which Latto, fellow rapper Ludacris and producer DJ Khaled are judges. Contestants write new tracks, compete in battles and perform for a chance to win $250,000. They also get to interact with some heavy hitters in the industry. Despite how incredibly competitive the show is, many of the contestants grew close. Contestant Rhome said the production team did a good job of supporting them through the process. That included sharing the sometimes painful backstories of contestants, like Detroit Diamond, who came to rap because of a tragedy. She talked to CNN about her delight at participating in a competition with so many other talented women, in particular. Atlanta plays a big part in the show. Ludacris told CNN that tracks, given the history of the city and hip hop. DJ Khaled said he wanted to participate in the show “to hear something new.” The second season of “Rhythm + Flow” is currently streaming on Netflix.Short Interest in Adriatic Metals PLC (OTCMKTS:ADMLF) Rises By 19.2%Google Asks Federal Judge To Toss Epic Games Ruling Over App Store Billing, Report Says
Tetairoa McMillan, one of the best wide receivers in Arizona history, will skip his final year of eligibility and enter the 2025 NFL Draft, he announced on social media on Thursday. Projected as a top-10 draft pick, the 6-foot-5, 212-pound McMillan finished his illustrious career at Arizona with 3,423 receiving yards, breaking the mark set by Bobby Wade (3,351). In three seasons, the Hawaii native also posted the fourth-most catches (213) and third-most touchdowns (26) in school history. "Wildcat Nation, this journey has been everything I dreamed of and more," McMillan wrote on Instagram. "From the moment I committed to the University of Arizona, to every second spent wearing that Arizona jersey ... it's been an absolute honor. "The University of Arizona has provided me with the platform to grow and chase my dreams. ... Thank you from the bottom of my heart. To the best fans in the country, I appreciate you for all of the love and support you have given me these last 3 years. I will always be a Wildcat." In 2024, McMillan totaled 84 grabs (ninth in Division I) for 1,319 yards (third in Division I) and eight touchdowns for the 4-8 Wildcats. He also ranked third in Division I with 109.9 receiving yards per game. McMillan is a finalist for the Biletnikoff Award, given to the most outstanding receiver in college football. --Field Level Media
Meta, the parent company of Facebook and Instagram, said it has donated $1 million to President-elect Donald Trump's inauguration fund. The donation comes just weeks after Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg met with Trump privately at Mar-a-Lago. A Meta spokesperson confirmed the offering Thursday. The news was first reported by The Wall Street Journal. Stephen Miller, who has been appointed deputy chief of staff for Trump's second term, has said that Zuckerberg, like other business leaders, wants to support Trump's economic plans. The tech CEO has been seeking to change his company's perception on the right following a rocky relationship with Trump. Trump was kicked off Facebook following the Jan. 6, 2021 attack on the U.S. Capitol. The company restored his account in early 2023. RELATED STORY | Meta's Mark Zuckerberg is the second richest person in the world. Here's who he just outranked During the 2024 campaign, Zuckerberg did not endorse a candidate for president but has voiced a more positive stance toward Trump. Earlier this year, he praised Trump's response to his first assassination attempt. Still, Trump had continued to attack Zuckerberg publicly during the campaign. In July, he posted a message on his own social network Truth Social threatening to send election fraudsters to prison in part by citing a nickname he used for the Meta CEO. "ZUCKERBUCKS, be careful!" Trump wrote. Corporations have traditionally made up a large share of donors to presidential inaugurals, with an exception in 2009, when then-President-elect Barack Obama refused to accept corporate donations. He reversed course for his second inaugural in 2013. Facebook did not donate to either Biden's 2021 inaugural or Trump's 2017 inaugural. Google donated $285,000 each to Trump first inaugural and Biden's inaugural, according to Federal Election Commission records. Inaugural committees are required to disclose the source of their fundraising, but not how they spend the money. Microsoft gave $1 million to Obama's second inaugural, but only $500,000 to Trump in 2017 and Biden in 2021. RELATED STORY | Celebrity private jet-tracking accounts suspended by Meta without reason, college student claimsFor Iowa, it's a chance to tune up going into the bulk of its Big Ten Conference schedule. For New Hampshire, it's an opportunity to collect a nice paycheck and perhaps even pull off a memorable upset. The Hawkeyes and Wildcats will finish their nonconference schedules Monday night when they meet in Iowa City. Iowa (9-3) last played on Dec. 21, erasing an 11-point second-half deficit to outgun Utah 95-88 in Sioux Falls, S.D. Payton Sandfort scored a season-high 24 points and added eight rebounds for the Hawkeyes, while Owen Freeman added 16 despite running into foul trouble. Hawkeyes coach Fran McCaffery praised fifth-year senior Drew Thelwell, Iowa's sixth-leading scorer, who matched his season high with 15 points. "The energy in the building was phenomenal. Drew was right in the middle of that," McCaffery said. "His defense and drawing six fouls, those are stats that are critical to a team's ability to win. Get to the bonus, get to the double bonus. We do that by driving the ball and drawing fouls and that's what we did." Freeman is averaging a team-high 17.1 points and shooting 66.1 percent from the field, while Sandfort adds 16.7 ppg. Iowa has its usual high-powered attack, ranking seventh in Division I in scoring at 87.8 ppg and canning 50.2 percent from the field. The Hawkeyes could add more gaudy offensive numbers against New Hampshire (2-12), which has lost six straight games, including a 90-83 decision on Dec. 22 at Stonehill. The Wildcats have experienced trouble defensively, allowing opponents to sink 45.2 percent of their field goal attempts and score 76.5 ppg. Coming off a successful 2023-24 campaign that saw the Wildcats go 16-15 and win a game in the America East Conference tournament, New Hampshire returned just three players and had to replace AEC Player of the Year Clarence Daniels and his 19.4 ppg. It hasn't gone to the plan of second-year coach Nathan Davis, but he's still hopeful his team can figure things out in conference play. "We've improved across the board as far as our talent level," he said this summer. "I like our pieces." This is the first meeting between the Wildcats and Hawkeyes. --Field Level MediaBeers London is set to unveil a new exhibition entitled The Horizon Pulled Me Close by Mexican artist Myrna Quiñonez . Born in Sinaloa and now based in Bristol, Quiñonez reimagines familiar and uncanny landscapes in a suite of lush paintings. Infusing technical traditions with a 21st century flair, the artist navigates the shifting terrain between memory, technology and the very idea of place. The exhibition draws on landscapes from the artist’s past – the River Wye, the shores of Cornwall to the Los Mochis in Sinaloa – yet these places dissolve into liminal spaces that are both everywhere and nowhere at once. Fragmented and harmonious, these deconstructed scenes hint at a disconnection to the natural world, equally attending to a desire to return to nature and our increasingly digitized relationship to it. “The horizon line functions as more than just a division; it mediates the relationship between land and sea, between the seen and the unseen,” Quiñonez explains. “It draws attention to an infinite expanse that feels simultaneously vast and intimate, emphasizing a distance that is at once monumental and minute.” Through analog interpretations of Photoshop edits and drone photography, Quiñonez’s work lingers between these physical and virtual worlds, forging a mode of pixel perfection that aches for the raw, human gaze. As the gallery notes, “Not only is the landscape recaptured by traditional means imbued by technology, but they’re frozen and idealized, almost as an artist’s own futile attempt to capture, idealize and exist within a perfected landscape.“ The Horizon Pulled Me Close will be on view from November 28, 2024 until January 25, 2025. Beers London 51 Little Britain, London EC1A 7BH
The confidential briefing note is part of the tranche of documents made public in the annual release of State papers from the Irish National Archives. An Irish Department of Foreign Affairs official focusing on justice and security created the list in October 2002. The document starts by referencing a 1999 interview given by George Mitchell, the chairman of the Good Friday Agreement negotiations, in which he claimed the British and Irish governments, as well as Northern Ireland’s political parties, had leaked information to manipulate public opinion. However, he further accused the NIO of attempting to sabotage the process by leaking information on British Government policy to the media. Mr Mitchell, a former US senator, is said to have expressed alarm and anger over the frequency of leaks from the NIO – saying they were uniquely “designed to undermine the policy of the British Government of which they were a part”. The Irish civil servant notes Mr Mitchell himself was subjected to an attempted “smear” when he first arrived in Northern Ireland, as newspaper articles falsely claimed his chief of staff Martha Pope had had a liaison with Sinn Fein representative Gerry Kelly with ulterior motives. The Irish civil servant goes on to list several “leaks”, starting with the publication of a proposed deal in a newspaper while “intense negotiations” for the Downing Street Declaration were under way. Next, the Department lists two “high-profile and damaging leaks issued from the NIO”. A so-called “gameplan” document was leaked in February 1998, showing papers had been prepared weeks before the Drumcree march on July 6, 1997. In the preceding years, there had been standoffs and clashes as nationalists opposed the procession of an Orange parade down Garvaghy Road in Portadown. The gameplan document showed then secretary of state for Northern Ireland Mo Mowlam, who was publicly expressing a desire for a negotiated solution to the 1997 parade, advocated “finding the lowest common denominator for getting some Orange feet on the Garvaghy Road”. In 1997, a large number of security forces were deployed to the area to allow the march to proceed. The incident sparked heightened tension and a wave of rioting. The document further describes the release of a document submitted by the NIO’s director of communications to the secretary of state as a “second major leak”. It claims a publicity strategy was released to the DUP in the aftermath of the Good Friday Agreement and showed how the UK Government would support a yes vote in a referendum following any talks agreement. In addition, it is claimed unionists used leaked sections of the Patten report on policing to invalidate its findings ahead of its publication in 1999. The report recommended the replacement of the Royal Ulster Constabulary with the Police Service of Northern Ireland, the changing of symbols, and a 50-50 recruitment policy for Catholics and Protestants. At the time, UUP leader David Trimble said the recommendations would lead to a corruption of policing in Northern Ireland. Chris Patten, chairman of the independent commission on policing, said some of the assertions were a “total fabrication” and designed to “muddy the waters” to create a difficult political atmosphere. Elsewhere, the author notes it was leaked to the media there was serious disagreement between the governments of the UK and Ireland on the composition of that commission – with not a single name submitted by the Irish side being accepted by the other. The author notes this incident, still under the heading “NIO leaks”, was believed by British officials to have emanated from the Irish side. The report turns to leaks of other origin, claiming “disgruntled Special Branch officers in Northern Ireland” were blamed by the British Government for a series of releases about the IRA which were designed to damage Sinn Fein in the 2001 general election in Northern Ireland. One senior Whitehall source was quoted in the Guardian as complaining that Special Branch was “leaking like a sieve” after details of an IRA intelligence database containing the names of leading Tories – described at the time as a “hit list” – was passed to the BBC in April 2002. The briefing note adds: “This was followed days later by a leak to The Sunday Telegraph which alleged that senior IRA commanders bought Russian special forces rifles in Moscow last year. “The newspaper said it was passed details by military intelligence in London.” The briefing note adds that other Special Branch leaks were associated with the Castlereagh break-in. The final incident in the document notes the Police Ombudsman’s Report on the Omagh bombing was also leaked to the press in December 2001. Then Northern Ireland secretary John Reid said at the time: “Leaks are never helpful and usually malicious – I will not be commenting on this report until I have seen the final version.” The reason for creating the list of leaks, which the Irish National Archives holds in a folder alongside briefing notes for ministers ahead of meetings with officials from the UK Government and NIO, is not outlined in the document itself. – This document is based on material in 2024/130/6.The Switch To Renewable Energy In The US Faces Numerous Challenges
What Happened To Saucemoto Car Sauce Holder From Shark Tank Season 10?